America’s city dwellers are a mobile people. The decennial
censuses provided documentation in their redundant accounts of rapid changes and
growth in most of our great cities. But statistical evidence is hardly needed.
The changes in our cities have occurred so rapidly that the perception of
mobility is an integral part of every urban dweller’s experience. Hometowns are
transformed in the intervals between visits. The neighborhoods of our childhood
present alien appearances and the landmarks that anchored our memories have
disappeared. How do these dramatic changes in residential areas
come about In part, industry and commerce in their expansion encroach upon land
used for residences. But, in larger part, the changes are mass movements of
families—the end results of countless thousands of residence shifts made by the
urban Americans every year. Compounded in the mass, the residence shifts of
urban households produce most of the change and flux of urban population
structures. Some of the mobility is an expression of the growth
of our population. Every new family started ordinarily means another household
formed. But the mobility that occurs is much greater than can be accounted for
only by the addition of new households to our population. The high level of
mobility implies that established households are involved in a large-scale game
of "musical chairs" in which housing is exchanged from time to time.
Residential shifts often accompany the dissolution of households,
although not as consistently as in the case of the formations of new household.
A divorce or separation forces at least one to move, and often both husband and
wife shift residence. Mortality sometimes precipitates a move on the part of the
remaining members of the household. But, neither divorce nor mortality, when
added to new household formation, can account for more than a very small part of
the American mobility rate. Another part of the high
residential mobility rate might be traced to change occurring in the labor
force. American workers change jobs frequently and some of the residential
mobility might be viewed as a consequence of job shifts. But most residential
shifts do not involve long-distance movements. About three fourths of such
shifts do not cross country boundaries and many of them take place within
smaller areas. Neither can job shifts account for the overall picture of
mobility, much of which is kind of "milling about" within small areas of the
city. The addition of new households can’t account for the mobility because
A. they are expressions of population growth.
B. new families are unstable and therefore unreliable.
C. new households are exchanging houses from time to time.
D. the previously established households also keep changing
houses.